Former Prime Minister, Army Commander,
Kesroun MP General Michel Aoun

Place and Date of Birth: Born in Haret Hraik, Lebanon, on February 18, 1935. Son of Naim Aoun (land farmer) and Marie Aoun.
Sect: Maronite.
Family Background: Born to a poor family in Haret Hraik, a mixed Muslim-Christian suburb south of Beirut, Aoun is remembered by many as an intelligent, hardworking child who transcended the difficult conditions of his youth. At age six, British and Australian allied forces evicted his family and occupied their house. As a child, he was forced to withdraw from school for an entire year for economic reasons and take a free apprenticeship in industrial drawing (he completed two years of coursework when he went back to school the following year so as not to fall behind). Although his family was deeply religious and he attended Catholic schools, Aoun established close friendships with many Muslims during his early years. "We never distinguished between Ali and Peter, or between Hassan and Michel," he later recalled. "We ate together and slept at each other's homes. Their holidays were ours and our holidays were theirs."
Marital status: Married to Nada Chami with three children: Mireille, Claudine, Chantal.
Education: Completed his secondary school education at the Ecole de Freres Chretien in Jumayza in Beirut, with a Second Baccalaureate degree. In 1955, he entered the Military Academy in Beirut and graduated in 1959. He specialized in artillery in his military career. He studied at Challonssur-Marne in France (1958-59) and at Fort Sill Artillery School in Oklahoma (1966). From 1978 to 1980 he received training at the prestigious Ecole Superieure de Guerre in Paris (1978-80).
Political Career: Appointed Prime Minister by Former Lebanese President Amine Gemayel in September 1988. Aoun was propelled onto the political scene when Gemayel, 10 minutes before the end of his presidential mandate, appointed him head of a transitional government tasked with preparing elections. However, on October 13, 1990, a Syrian-led military operation, in which fighter planes were used by the Syrians for the first time in Lebanon, invaded what was termed by Aoun as the liberated areas of Lebanon. Prime Minister Michel Aoun was forced to take refuge in the French Embassy. The French President, Francois Mitterand, declared that General Aoun's safety was a matter of honor to France, and negotiated Prime Minister General Michel Aoun's safe departure to France along with members of his government. Fifteen years later, and 11 days after the last Syrian soldier left Lebanon, Aoun returned from exile on May 7, 2005, marking the beginning of a new era for Lebanon.
Current Political Status: Elected deputy for the Kesrouan-Jbeil constituency  on June 12, 2005. His electoral lists swept both, the Kesrouan-Jbeil contituency and the Metn contituecy earning him 15 deputies, in addition to 6 from the Zahleh constituency which he supported in alliance with Zahleh MP Elias Skaff. After the elections, Aoun emerged as the uncosted Chritian leader, though hisn idealogy is strictly antisectarian.
Medals and Award: Lesion D'Honneur Commander Commemorative Medal on December 31, 1961; Lebanese Merit Order, Third Class in 1971; War Medal on June 11, 1975; National Order of Cedar, Knight, in 1983; Lebanese Merit Order, Second Class, in 1983; War Medal on September 12, 1983; War Medal on September 13, 1983; War Medal on September 16, 1983; Casualties Medal on September 10, 1983; National Order of Cedar; Grand Cordon on November 25, 1988.
Contact information: In Lebanon: Rabiyeh, Metn. In France: Haute Maison.  

Military Career

Graduated form the Military Academy on September 30, 1958 as sub lieutenant in artillery. Promoted to First Lieutenant on July 1, 1961, to Captain on August 1, 1968, to Major on January 1, 1974, to  Lieutenant-Colonel on March 1, 1975, to Colonel on January 1, 1980, and to Brigadier on January 1, 1984.

During the course of his military career, Aoun earned a reputation for honesty, integrity, and sectarian impartiality that was unrivaled at that time.

In 1982 he became commander of the then newly established 8th Brigade of the Lebanese Army, and in August 1983 he was placed in charge of the Souk al-Gharb region, which witnessed fierce battles against the incursions of Syrian-armed proxy militias. In 1983, Aoun's 8th Brigade defeated Syrian-backed militia forces attempting to overrun the strategic Souk al-Gharb pass overlooking the capital, a battle which one scholar called "the closest thing to real combat the Lebanese Army had ever experienced."

In recognition of his heroic defense of the capital, Aoun was appointed Brigadier-General. On June 23, 1984, president Amin Gemayel named him commander-in-chief of the armed forces, making Aoun the youngest officer to head the army. This step followed the Luzanne reconciliation conference in Switzerland (June 1984) when Lebanon's new "national unity" government fired the commander of the Lebanese Army, General Ibrahim Tannous, who was considered to have sectarian biases. Aoun was handpicked with strong consensus to replace him.

Earlier on, as Lebanon slipped into civil war in the mid-1970's and the army fractured along sectarian lines, Aoun devotion to the central government remained unshaken. In the early 1980's Aoun was head of the "Defense Brigade" of the Lebanese army, a unit stationed along the "Green Line" separating East and West Beirut. During the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon, Aoun commanded his troops to block Israeli forces advancing on the presidential palace and was prepared to open fire until President Elias Sarkis personally ordered him to stand down. No other Christian officer attempted to confront the invading army.

Historical Background

President Amin Gemayel's term of office was nearing its end, and the different Lebanese factions could not agree on a candidate to be his successor. Consequently, when Gemayel's term expired on September 23rd of that year, he appointed Army Commander General Michel Aoun as Lebanon's Prime Minister.

General Aoun formed a 6-member military government government that worked toward the reunification of all parts of Lebanon, freeing Lebanon from all foreign armies, and the restoration of democracy and freedom in Lebanon. Meanwhile, Gemayel's acting prime minister, Salim Hoss, also continued to act as the de facto prime minister. As a result, Lebanon was divided between a Syrian-backed government in west Beirut, and the constitutionally legal government of General Aoun in east Beirut.

In March 1989, an attempt by Prime Minister General Michel Aoun to close all illegal seaports, and stop all kinds of drug production and smuggling, led to what has come to be known as "Hareb al Tahreer" or Liberation War. Syrian forces in the occupied parts of Lebanon opened fire on the liberated areas in order to bring down the Lebanese government's agenda. Lebanon's army under the command of Prime Minister General Michel Aoun defended the liberated areas against the Syrian attacks. Shelling by the Syrians and their counter-parts caused nearly 1000 deaths and several thousand injuries, and further destruction of Lebanon's economic infrastructure.

In May 1989, the Arab League empowered a High Committee on Lebanon, composed of Saudi King Fahed, Algerian President Benjidid, and Moroccan King Hassan, to work toward a solution in Lebanon. In July 1989, the Committee issued a report accusing Syria of assailing Lebanon's freedom and independence. After further discussions, the committee arranged for a cease-fire in September, followed by a meeting of Lebanese parliamentarians in Taef, Saudi Arabia. After a month of intense discussions, the Lebanese deputies were forced and bribed by Syria to agree on a Charter of National Reconciliation also known as the Taef Agreement. In this agreement Syria would redeploy its soldiers in Lebanon, rather than withdrawing.

The Lebanese population residing within the liberated parts of Lebanon opposed the Taef Agreement, as it violates national sovereignty. For this, Prime Minister Aoun issued a decree in early November dissolving the Lebanese parliament, calling for elections under the supervision of the United Nations.

In November 1989 the dissolved parliament met at the Qleiat Air Base in northern Lebanon, where they approved the Taef Agreement and elected Rene Moawad as a president. Moawad was assassinated on November 22 by a bomb planted in his armored car, although he was under strong Syrian protection.

Following Moawad's assassination, the dissolved parliament met on November 24 in the Beqaa Valley and elected Elias Hrawi to replace him. The Syrians renewed their attacks on the liberated Lebanese areas. Meanwhile, hundreds of thousands of Lebanese citizens rallied around the Lebanese Presidential Palace (Beit el Shaab) to show their support of Prime Minister General Michel Aoun, and to defend it against Syrian attacks.

On October 13, 1990, a Syrian-led military operation, in which fighter planes were used by the Syrians for the first time in Lebanon, invaded the liberated areas of Lebanon. Prime Minister Michel Aoun was forced to take refuge in the French embassy. The French President, Francois Mitterand, declared that General Aoun's safety was a matter of honor to France, and negotiated Prime Minister General Michel Aoun's safe departure to France along with members of his government.

The Revolt Against Syria

In the fall of 1988, Syria and the Christian Lebanese Forces (LF) militia brought about a political crisis by preventing parliament members in areas under their control to convene and elect a new president. Damascus, which staunchly opposed the election of any candidate unwilling to sign a treaty recognizing Syrian hegemony in Lebanon, wagered that the demise of the Lebanese Republic would create a political vacuum in which it could dominate the entire country. However, fifteen minutes before the expiration of his term, outgoing president Amin Gemayel appointed a military caretaker government, headed by Aoun as interim prime minister, to run the country until parliament could elect a new president. Although his government was clearly constitutional, 4 the Syrians backed the formation of a rival regime, supported by their client militias, in West Beirut. While Aoun's government was officially and implicitly recognized by several countries, most countries declined to formally recognize either regime.

At the time of Aoun's appointment, the Lebanese government controlled only a small area of the country, comprising parts of East Beirut and the surrounding suburbs. Arguing that the democratic process could not function while the vast majority of the country remained occupied by rival militias and the military forces of Syria and Israel, Aoun resolved to restore the authority of the state. In February 1989, Aoun traveled to a meeting of Arab foreign ministers in Tunisia and received strong support for the restoration of Lebanese sovereignty. After his return, Aoun responded to provocations from the LF militia by ordering the 15,000 Lebanese army troops under his command into action. After a series of engagements, Lebanese army units seized the port of Beirut and other economically vital facilities. This was the first time that government authority had been restored to a militia-controlled area since the beginning of the civil war in 1975. That Aoun chose to target the main militia of his own Maronite community evoked expressions of surprise and satisfaction from Lebanese Muslims, whose victimization at the hands of the LF had never before elicited state intervention.

Next, Aoun enforced a maritime blockade of illegal ports run by Syrian-allied Druze and Shi'ite militias in West Beirut. When the Syrians responded by shelling civilian areas of East Beirut, Aoun declared war on Syria's occupation forces on March 14, 1989. "The question is no longer one of ports," he proclaimed, " . . . we have passed this and defined the ceiling--Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon." The Syrian and Lebanese armies clashed intermittently over the next six months amid fruitless mediation efforts by the Arab League, destroying much of Beirut and instigating an exodus of over one million inhabitants from the city.

Despite the enormous destruction visited upon the inhabitants of the 300-square mile enclave controlled by his forces, popular support for Aoun's war against the Syrian military skyrocketed. The Washington Post eloquently captured the revolutionary spirit prevailing in East Beirut and across the country:

The horror of those who survived has given way to a sense of defiance and exultation that is not easy to comprehend except for those touched by Aoun's cry for freedom . . . While giving the appearance of being only a professional soldier and officer, Aoun nevertheless has reached across religious boundaries and into the hearts of many Lebanese. If the groundswell of his public support endures through more war and destruction, many observers say, Aoun could go down as a revolutionary hero in Lebanon's history.

"We have decided to fight and we are sure to win," Aoun explained in an April 1989 interview. "If we lose, at least we will be giving our children the right to claim their country, but we are not going to concede it to the Syrians." Aoun acknowledged that Syria had U.S. support in its war against Lebanon, but insisted that American democratic ideals would ultimately prevail. "Even if the United States is supporting Syrian policy in Lebanon for the moment, it cannot go much further if there is a Lebanese leader, with some strength and popular support from public opinion, asking for the liberation of his country."

By the end of the summer, however, it was clear that intervention by the international community was not forthcoming, so Aoun agreed to an Arab League-brokered cease-fire in September 1989. After the cease-fire, a Saudi and American-sponsored meeting of Lebanese parliamentarians was organized in Taef, Saudi Arabia, ostensibly to approve an agreement that would provide for the unification of Lebanon and the withdrawal of Syrian forces from the country. The final agreement did not, however, call for a Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon (Syrian officials objected to such wording, claiming that it would give Aoun a moral victory); rather, it stipulated only a limited redeployment to the Beqaa Valley within two years, after which "the Syrian government and the Lebanese national accord government shall decide on the redeployment of the Syrian forces" in the future. After heavy doses of intimidation by Syrian intelligence,7 followed by the verbal promises of American officials to rein in Damascus after Aoun's departure, the Lebanese delegates signed the so-called "Taef Accord."

Aoun rejected the agreement for a number of reasons, mainly because it failed to provide for a Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon. The agreement also stipulated constitutional changes which, according to Aoun, required the democratic consent of the Lebanese people--not merely the rubber stamp approval of delegates from the traditional political class which bore responsibility for the war (parliamentary elections had not been held since 1972). The Syrians and their allies in West Beirut steadfastly refused to either subject the agreement to a popular referendum or permit modification at a later date by a legitimately-elected parliament. In accordance with the Taef Accord, the remaining members of the Lebanese parliament met at a Syrian-controlled air force base in November 1989 and elected Rene Moawad as President of Lebanon. After his assassination just weeks after assuming office, Elias Hrawi was elected to succeed him.

A 1989 rally in support of Aoun remained defiantly entrenched in the presidential palace and, despite (or perhaps because of) having incurred the united hostility of Lebanese militia commanders and traditional elites, still commanded an unprecedented level of popular support. Hundreds of thousands of Lebanese flocked to the presidential palace in late December 1989 to form a "human shield" around the compound after Syrian military forces surrounding the free enclave began massing for an imminent invasion. The presence of thousands of Shi'ite and Sunni Muslim Lebanese at these demonstrations illustrated the multi-confessional appeal of Lebanon's first popular nationalist movement. Sunni religious leaders in West Beirut sent a "Muslim Solidarity Delegation," led by Sheikh Hassan Najar, who gave numerous rousing speeches during the demonstrations.

Despite his continuing popular support within Lebanon, however, outside developments doomed Aoun's "revolution" to failure. After the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in August 1990, the American government desperately sought Syria's participation in the U.S.-led coalition against Baghdad. In return for Syrian support, the Bush administration gave Syria a green light to complete its conquest of Lebanon.8 On the morning of October 13, 1990, Syrian air and ground forces launched an all-out invasion of East Beirut and the surrounding areas controlled by Aoun's government. Realizing that further resistance would only lead to needless loss of life, Aoun went to the French embassy to negotiate a cease-fire under French auspices. As the scale of massacres and mayhem escalated and the presidential palace fell into the hands of the Syrians, Aoun accepted the French ambassador's offer of political asylum. Declaring that Aoun's safety was a "matter of honor," French President Francois Mitterand negotiated the beleaguered general's departure for exile in France ten months later.

After the Fall

Since his departure for exile in France, Aoun's predictions about what would become of Lebanon under Syrian tutelage have proven to be hauntingly accurate. Rather than withdrawing as promised, Syrian military forces have become more entrenched over the last ten years. Rather than restoring Lebanese sovereignty, Syrian officials asserted direct control over the Lebanese political system. Rather than experiencing a respite from the "disappearances" of the civil war, Lebanese have endured arbitrary arrests and detention by Syrian intelligence.

Despite his continuing exile in France, Aoun has remained the country's most prominent opposition figure. Although support for Aoun is most visible within the Christian community, where criticism of the Syrian occupation is less taboo, he has also retained considerable popularity among Lebanese Muslims in the decade following his ouster. According to a 1996 study by Judith Palmer Harik of the American University of Beirut, Aoun ranked third among Shi'ite respondents asked to name their most preferred Lebanese leader in an open-ended survey. In light of the high religiosity of the Shi'ite community, it is not surprising that two prominent and influential clerical leaders ranked above Aoun. What is surprising is that Aoun ranked above Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, the country's leading Shi'ite politician.9

Until recently, Aoun's followers in Lebanon neglected to establish a highly-structured organization, in part to escape persecution by Syrian and Lebanese intelligence. Around 4,000 "Aounists" have been arrested and detained since 1990. In recent years, as the scale of persecution gradually declined, the movement became consolidated as the Free Patotic Movemnet (Al-Tayyar al-Watani al-Hurr). The Free Patotic Movemnet (FPM) has become particularly active in professional and academic circles, counting over 600 teachers, 730 engineers, 300 lawyers and 250 dentists among its members. Since April of last year, the FPM has organized numerous demonstrations drawing thousands of Lebanese into the streets. In addition, FPM student activists have launched a highly successful campaign to protest the continuing presence of nearly 1 million Syrian workers in the country by performing menial labor tasks typically done by Syrians laborers.

As public opposition to Syrian hegemony has intensified since the spring of 1999, Lebanese politicians across the ideological and ethnic spectrum have begun pandering to the public by openly calling for Aoun's return. Most recently, on January 2, Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri pledged on state television to "guarantee that he will not be arrested" if he returns to the country. However, Damascus quickly stepped in to thwart the initiative. Sources in Syria say that the Assad regime is not expected to take the risk of permitting Aoun's return in the foreseeable future.

Back from exile

Lebanon's exiled Christian opposition leader and Syria's arch-foe Michel Aoun, returned home to hero's homecoming on Saturday, May 7, 2005, 11 days after the departure of Syrian troops from the country.

From exile in Paris, Aoun was among the first to predict Syria would be out before the election, after the United Nations Security Council passed a resolution demanding it leave.

His return came as the anti-Syrian opposition was locked in a tug-of-war with pro-Syrian diehards, seeking to amend an electoral law tailored by the Syrians and used in the 2000 polls, which bolstered Damascus' allies in parliament.

Thunderous applause erupted on the tarmac of Beirut International Airport where hundreds of partisans and relatives, including a brother he had not seen in 15 years, his three daughters and grandchildren, greeted Aoun and his wife Nadia.

Supporters, wearing orange scarves, wiped tears of joy as Aoun stepped off the plane in a business suit, with retired Lebanese army generals Issam Abu Jamra and Edgar Maalouf close on his heels.

Aoun's first stop in Beirut was at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier and then he laid a wreath at Hariri's tomb in Beirut's central Martyrs' Square, where he addressed tens of thousands of his supporters, most of them youths.

"I return as the sun of liberty shines anew to rebuild, together, a new Lebanon," Aoun said. "Minds must be changed and we must get rid of the political feudalism and religious system that dates back to the 19th century," said Aoun as he pleaded for a secular Lebanon to a thunder of applause.

Aoun's critics, who resent his airs of grandeur and populism and dub him "Napolaoun", fear his return will disrupt Lebanon's fragile political structure.

His supporters among Lebanon's large Christian minority compare Aoun to Charles de Gaulle on his return to a liberated France in 1945 after the last German soldier marched out.

A soldier turned politician, Aoun, 70, was booted out of Lebanon in 1990 by the Syrian army, which he had bitterly fought but failed to crush, and forced into 15 years of exile in France. His fortunes changed dramatically on April 26 of this year when the last Syrian troops quit Lebanon.

A balding, no-nonsense army general and former prime minister, Aoun was one of the first Lebanese voices to arise against Syria military presence in Lebanon during the harrowing days of the 1975-1990 civil war. He commanded army units that clashed with Syrian troops, fought bitter battles against pro-Syrian Lebanese Druze militias and even challenged the rule of the once-powerful Lebanese Forces Christian combatants. In the unruly days of the civil war, Aoun, like a knight on a white horse, charged single-handedly to retake Lebanon for the Lebanese and impose law and order in the battered country.

Elie Salem, a former Lebanese foreign minister, once described him as a "David to an infinite Goliath" and said this won Aoun the hearts of Christians and Muslims alike.

Today his supporters among Lebanon's large Christian minority agree, even comparing him to Charles de Gaulle returning to a liberated France in 1945 after the last German soldier marched out. "General Aoun is our liberator. This is the grandest title anyone can have. He worked unrelentlessly to rid us of Syrian occupation during his exile," Caesar Abi Khalil, a staunch Aoun supporter, told AFP. His critics who resent his airs of grandeur and populism call him "Napoleon".

Aoun was born to a poor family in Haret Hraic, a working-class suburb home to both Christians and Muslims, and had to quit school for one year for financial reasons. He eventually enrolled in the military academy, graduating as an artillery officer, and received further training in France and the United States.In 1984, then president Amin Gemayel named him commander-in-chief of the armed forces, making Aoun the youngest officer to head the army. Four years later Aoun was propelled onto the political scene when Gemayel, 10 minutes before the end of his presidential mandate, appointed the general head of a transitional government tasked with preparing elections.

In 1989, Aoun declared war on Syria with the support of France and Iraqi president Saddam Hussein, who supplied him with arms.

The battle dubbed "war of national liberation" lasted six months and proved to be one of the bloodiest of Lebanon's history. It culminated in a meeting of Lebanese politicians in the Saudi city of Taef where an agreement was reached paving the way for the 1990 end of the civil war. It also provided a legal basis for Syria's military presence in Lebanon, with the blessing of the United States and France. Aoun rejected the Taef accord, refused to accept the election of Lebanese president Elias Hrawi and remained defiantly entrenched in the presidential palace.

His action won the hearts of thousands of Lebanese people from all factions and religious communities. In December 1989 hundreds of thousands rallied to form a human shield around the fortified palace as the Syrian army prepared to attack the compound to force Aoun out.

Aoun surrendered in 1990 after a brutal Syrian air and ground attack against areas under his control and sought political asylum in the French embassy in Beirut. Ten months later he flew to France to start his exile.

Legal clearance

A Lebanese court suspended on Thursday, May 5, 2005, an arrest warrant against General Aoun, paving the way for his return from France which many here fear could disrupt Lebanon's fragile political structure. The court also decided to delay a ruling in a 2003 case against Aoun, who is due to return to Beirut on Saturday, over comments that were deemed to have damaged Lebanon's relations with Syria. "The criminal court of Beirut decided to freeze the arrest warrant issued in absentia against General Aoun on October 24, 2003, as well as its terms, and to postpone a verdict in this case until July 5, 2005," a judicial source said.

In testimony to the US congress in September 2003 the staunch anti-Syrian former army commander, who headed a caretaker military government during the 1975-1990 civil war, accused Syria of masterminding the assassinations of two Lebanese presidents during the war. His remarks helped pave the way for Washington's adoption of sanctions against Syria. Lebanon has said his statements were damaging to its relations with its political masters in Syria, which completed last week a military pullout from Lebanon after a presence lasting 29 years.

On Wednesday, May 4, 2005, a court dropped three other charges against Aoun in a case dating back from 1990 which included usurping power for staying at the helm of a caretaker government even after the election of then president Elias Hrawi, embezzling funds and unlawful political activity.

The Road Ahead

With Syria out of Lebanon, Aoun's expected return is raising problems in a country mired in complex political and religious sensitivities that is gearing up for much-anticipated legislative elections from May 29. The Free Patriotic Movement which Aoun heads is determined to overhaul Lebanese politics and impose secularism, and he is also eyeing the presidency. "We must change the political habits of Lebanon in order to transform it into a modern state," Aoun said in one of the numerous interviews he has given ahead of his much-touted return. He has also repeatedly accused unidentified members of the Lebanese opposition of "treachery". n Tuesday, May 3, 2005, he renewed his accusations and said that some opposition leaders had secretly accepted a controversial electoral law passed under Syrian domination in 2000 unfavorable to the Christians.

The opposition, Christians and Muslim alike, have publicly called for Aoun's return, but the two sides failed to agree on a united agenda for a smooth political transition after the Syrian pullout to prepare for the elections. "Lebanese politicians are in a panic mode," a Western diplomat based in Beirut told AFP. Charles Ghostine, an ex-official of the dissolved Lebanese Forces Christian militia which fought Aoun's group during the civil war, said Aoun was the only opposition leader who has vocally stood up for political reforms. "He is against the current political leadership," said Ghostine. "In the Christian camp the same political families control the scene. Positions are obtained as an inheritance." Dory Chamoun, head of the National Liberal Party, another Christian opposition party, and son of former president Camille Chamoun, said Aoun is a loner. "Aoun always worked alone in order to distinguish himself. He wants to impose his will," Chamoun said, warning that if Aoun "fails to rein in his young supporters, his comeback will have negative repercussions".

To his supporters within Lebanon's Maronite Christian community, General Aoun, the former armed forces chief, kept alight the torch of Lebanese nationalism during the dark days of Syrian domination. To his detractors, the bloody "war of liberation" which he waged against Syrian troops as interim prime minister between March 1989 and October 1990 unnecessarily prolonged the suffering of Lebanon's 15-year civil war.

Aoun himself has made no secret of his political ambitions now that his Syrian foes have gone. "The job that goes to the Christians (under Lebanon's unwritten constitution) is that of president," Aoun told AFP last month. "If there is a national consensus, I will assume my responsibilities at that time," he said.

In a separate interview with Beirut's top selling newspaper An-Nahar, he said he had big plans for Lebanon. "My ambition is to achieve something big, not political toying," he said, adding that he sensed a demand from the young for him to return "to achieve their objectives" of freedom and democracy. "The resistance to occupation is over and we must now engage in a new battle to liberate the Lebanese so that they can learn to make their own choices," he said in an interview published on his website.

On the issue of disarming Hezbollah, Aoun said the Shiite group must not be disarmed by force but persuaded by dialogue and integration into a new national political scene. "It must be integrated into Lebanese society and politics, it must remain in the Lebanese context," he told the daily El Mundo in an interview published Friday, May 6, 2005. "That is our point of view and it must be implemented with dexterity because no one wants Lebanon to fall into the abyss again."

On relations with the Lebanese Forces (LF), Aoun mended fences with Geagea's banned LF Sunday, May 8, 2005, backing calls for the release of the ex-fighter whom he fought in 1990 for control of the Christian enclave as the war drew to a close. We should remember the past and...not make the mistakes that have happened. This past has become part of history and we must look to the future because those who do not look forward fall into the first hole," he said after receiving Streda Geagea, the wife of his former enemy, and some 100 LF officials. He later paid a visit to Geagea in jail -- a visit, which broke the ice between the two leaders, but did not translate iteself into an electoral alliance.

Many Maronites say the exile of Aoun and arrest of Christian former warlord Samir Geagea symbolise the targeting of their community by the Syrian-dominated order after the war.