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| Syria and Lebanon: What
Has Changed? Hassan Haidar, Al-Hayat The "new page" in Syrian-Lebanese relations, which Syrian Foreign Minister Walid Muallem spoke of from Beirut, is mostly or entirely prewritten in bold black type since Damascus's dealing with its smaller neighbor remains unchanged, save a few amendments in form and tone, in terms of interfering in every major and minor detail. While he considered the arms of Hezbollah, Syria's top ally in Lebanon, a domestic matter, Muallem was quick to express in the same statements his objection to the diplomatic efforts undertaken by the Lebanese government with the United Nations and friendly nations to place the Shebaa Farms in international custody before returning the territory to Lebanese sovereignty after the demarcation of borders with Syria. The objective of these efforts is to ensure that the Shebaa Farms issue will no longer be used as an excuse every time the question of Hezbollah's arms is brought to the table for discussion now that the question of prisoners has been closed. Muallem pointed out that this step, if completed, will merely replace the occupation with international forces rather than bring an end to it. This new interpretation of the UN role could imply that the international forces deployed in South Lebanon are also forces of occupation since they replaced the Israeli forces that entered Lebanese territories in the summer of 2006. Moreover, if the Shebaa Farms are Lebanese as Damascus has repeatedly confirmed, why should Minister Muallem have a say in their fate, especially that Syria neither consulted with nor informed Lebanon when it initiated indirect negotiations with Israel through Turkish mediation and after decades of forcing the concomitance of tracks on Lebanon? When asked about Syria's readiness to rectify its approach to Lebanon, Muallem responded saying, "This depends on the change in Lebanon." He was implicitly referring to the upcoming parliamentary elections, which Damascus hopes will tip the balance in its allies' favor. At the same time, the Syrian minister refused interference by "any third party" in the relationships between the two states. In this, he was specifically referring to the Arab party which still tries to end the excessive Syrian meddling in Lebanese affairs. It is worth mentioning that during his participation at the Union for the Mediterranean Summit in Paris, President Assad promised "a third party," namely France, to establish diplomatic ties and exchange embassies with Lebanon in return for the normalization of Syrian relations with France. Hence, it becomes evident from Muallem's statements that the "carrot" of diplomatic relations - despite its symbolic significance - is no more than an attempt to avoid the effective resolution of most problematic issues pertaining to the relations with Lebanon, particularly those concerning the political, military, and security ties Damascus maintains with various Lebanese factions, parties and figures at a time when the need is for normal and transparent relations established between two states on the basis of equality, respect and mutual recognition of sovereignty. Such a relationship requires avoiding labels such as "allies" and "foes," closing outlets for arms smuggling and combatants infiltration, and refraining from treating Lebanon as the backyard of the various Syrian intelligence apparatuses or as the battlefield ready for use in accordance with the progress of negotiations with Israel in a manner that serves Syria's relations and regional interests. |