CAIRO: The latest demonstration organized by Egypt’s Intifada Solidarity Movement (ISM), a May 15 rally in Cairo’s Tahrir Square marking the anniversary of the 1948 Palestinian Nakba (or Catastrophe), at first glance looked like any other demonstration organized by Egypt’s divided and relatively ineffective opposition over the past decade.
The hundreds of mostly well-behaved, middle-class demonstrators were greatly outnumbered by the security forces ­ so much so, in fact, that riot troops were able to form a double ring around the protesters, blocking them from the view of passers-by.
Islamist and leftist/nationalist wings of the movement gravitated to either side of the circle, with competing chants of “Revolution until victory ­ In Palestine and Egypt” on the one hand, and slogans calling for “Islamic Palestine” on the other.
A perfect metaphor for the weakness of Egypt’s opposition, one might think ­ riven by ideological splits, confined to a minuscule arena by the iron hand of the state.
However, a couple of things distinguished this demonstration from one that might have taken place several years ago.
Firstly, the demonstrators ­ particularly the leftist tendencies, which unlike the Muslim Brotherhood are not under pressure from a conservative leadership not to overly antagonize the state ­ are not afraid to break taboos. The slogan “Hosni Mubarak is like Ariel Sharon ­ same shape and same color” sounded in the middle of Tahrir Square has people looking over their shoulder, not quite believing that they can get away with it.
Out of the street, in campus or syndicate teach-ins, activists will argue that the triumph of the Palestinian cause requires a total political overhaul at home ­ “the road to Jerusalem leads through Cairo,” as one activist put it, reviving a slogan from past decades of struggle.
Secondly, Egyptian state security was clearly anxious to avoid unnecessary confrontations. Towards the end of the demonstration, officers arrested one Ibrahim al-Sahari, a journalist and activist in the movement. Scuffles broke out, and activists threatened to hold a sit-in to demand his release.
The security forces eventually gave in, letting Sahari go to deliver a speech of defiance to the crowd. Rather than let a dramatic standoff develop in Tahrir Square, security agents allowed the protest movement to win a symbolic victory.
Although the numbers are small at current demonstrations, two months ago the intifada activists were at the forefront of a wave of street demonstrations that drew tens of thousands, swamped security’s efforts to maintain emergency law bans on gatherings and keep the streets a politics-free zone.
Although the movement’s ability to move the masses is highly contingent on the appearance of dramatic images of Israeli aggression on the evening news, it has still managed to keep some of the momentum. Shipments of medicines continue to head toward the border with Gaza, while events running from seminars to Palestinian nationalist sing-alongs take place at Cairo’s Bar Association building, which has opened itself up to the public and has become the ISM’s unofficial headquarters.
At the height of the Israeli offensive, Cairo was reluctant to curtail the movement’s activities. Now that the outrage has died down somewhat, the Egyptian authorities have belatedly launched a crackdown.
In the several days preceding the Tahrir Square demonstration, around 12 activists from the Egyptian Popular Committee for the Support of the Palestinian Intifada and its Alexandria affiliate were arrested. A few were subjected to the usual beatings and abuse (according to one activist, first-time detainees have it the worst, as police try to find out who talks, and who does or does not have families or lawyers asking after them) but most were let go after a few days. One, Gamal Abdelfattah, has reportedly been charged with possession of expired medicines ­ presumably in lieu of charges specifically related to his solidarity work.
Whether or not the authorities will hold their hand, and whether or not the movement can take its momentum beyond the stage of consciousness-raising and relief-convoy-organizing is open to question. The Egyptian government has a long history of co-opting, crushing, or otherwise outmaneuvering movements that begin to pose a threat to its freedom of action to pursue the policies that it wishes.
This movement, however, has several strengths that the others do not. Younger and more dynamic activists have found in the committees a freedom of action they would never have been allowed in the traditional political parties or the Muslim Brotherhood, dominated by conservative leaders anxious not to burn their bridges with the government.
The Palestinian issue, and the state’s clear inability and unwillingness to adopt a policy of confrontation with Israel, has given these activists an issue that spans Egypt’s social and ideological divides ­ one whose urgency is rammed home by the nightly news broadcasts.
For years, the Egyptian opposition has been demoralized by state repression, political stagnation and quarreling between the Islamists and more secular-leaning tendencies.
The Intifada Solidarity Movement appears to have given it new life.

Steve Negus is a Cairo-based journalist and former editor of the Cairo Times

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